Oaxaca, Mexico:
An Expatriate Life

Writing by Stan Gotlieb
Photos by Diana Ricci

THE OAXACA / MEXICO NEWSLETTER
Volume 14, No. 9: October 18, 2009
 

[Diana took the masthead photo recently, on a Sunday stroll around the Zocalo. Earlier, a troupe of dancers was performing "under the laurels" to the sounds of the noontime band concert. Later, one of the dancers and this unidentified youth danced together.]

The closing circle:

When I came to Mexico to live, there was only one political party with any real power: the Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI), the longest-serving (almost 70 years) one-party system in the world. The basic political structure of the party (and therefore of the country) was state-socialist (fascist). Enshrined in the Constitution and in the practices of the PRI was the idea that fractious opposition parties were bad for the country; that the fairest and most efficient way to govern was to give each and every "interest" a place under the PRI umbrella. Thus there was a seat at the table for the Central Workers' Council (headed for decades by PRI stalwart Fidel Velazquez: almost all unions were, and remain, PRI affiliated) as well as the Chamber of Commerce; the Army as well as civilian law enforcement; etc. The various groups did not always agree, and there were some bitter fights within the Party -- but that was o.k. since it was kept within the Party.

[Meanwhile, around one of the fountains inside the Zocalo, a quite different style of music was attracting a different crowd.]

Of course this was all a polite fiction. People were killing each other; getting imprisoned for corruption and other crimes (real or invented); and in some cases fleeing the country because they had said something that offended someone with power and impunity. Still, through a system of "plata or plomo" (silver, or lead; payoff or assassination), the PRI managed to keep control. Presidents selected their successors (a custom called "el dedazo"; the finger). Transition was kept smooth and the daily realities remained fairly stable.

Depending on whom you listen to, there are around 35 families that own just about everything. They often disagree on tactics, but they are solidly unified over the goal: more for them, less for everyone else. They control the Catholic Church (through "donations" and membership in secret organizations such as "El Yunque" and "Opus Dei"), the Army (by "patronizing" the general staff), the police (through patronage and also by sending their sons (almost always, sons) to run the Interior Ministry), and so forth. The results of their careful husbandry can be seen: they now own a larger share of the wealth than ever, while the bottom 20% own less.

[In 2000, the PRI lost the presidency, but appears to be poised for a come-back. How will the likely resurgence of the PRI affect the Mexican people, and the Families that own them? Will new shifts in political alliances make any difference? To keep up with our perspective on the volatile Mexican scenee, you must subscribe.]

A bright note in a (not really) unlikely place:

I call your attention to a new Occasional Paper from Michele Gibbs, posted to our website . Just home from Detroit, a place she returns to often, her analysis of the scene is surprisingly (for those of us who think only of the "negatives" of Motor City) upbeat.

Michele's observations of and conversations with a community in the process of organizing itself leads one to ask, if they can do this in Detroit, why not in my home town? If, like me, you need an occasional boost from outside the gloom and doom of the box, take the time to read "As Detroit Goes".

[Our neighbor Luz Daniela is about 20 months old, and for a time she decided to help Diana sweep up the bougainvilla that fall from the tree outside our apartment every day. Lately, she seems to have lost interest.]

Big-time union busting 103:

After getting a failing grade in U.B. 101 (the miners in Cananea are still in defiant struggle after decades of government attempts to quash them) and U.B. 102 (the privatization of the national oil monopoly PEMEX keeps stumbling over the roadblocks erected by Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador (AMLO) and the oil-workers' union), our beloved Felipe has decided to double down on a bet that he can bust the 44,000-strong SME electrical workers' union. If he wins, he not only gets to give out a lot of very lucrative concessions to his pals; he also guts the biggest single organized group on the streets of the national capital that daily confronts his plans.

Win, lose, or draw, things will never be the same again.

Last Saturday, at midnight, over 6,000 army and federal police elements invaded the independant public electric utility Luz y Fuerza del Centro (Central Light and Power: LFC). The official government Comision Federal de Electricidad (Federal Electric Commission: CFE) declared that it had absorbed the LFC; fired all the workers, offering them severance packages and a chance to return to work as members of the far less militant CFE untion, SUTERM.

[Many observers of the Mexican scene, prominently the writer John Ross, have been predicting for some time that 2010, the 100th anniversary of the Revolution will be the occasion of another social upheaval. Could this mark the beginning of a new Revolution? To take advantage of our years-long observations and research, you must subscribe.]

[These flowers are growing in the Ethno-Botanical garden, which Diana visits with some regularity, to view the new installations.]

Bad boy, URO:

Finally, after more than 3 years, the Mexican Supreme Court has recognized something that eveyone else has known sinve day one: governor Ulises Ruiz Ortiz (URO) bears direct responsibility for the killings and repression stemming from the uprising in the summer and fall of 2006 in Oaxaca state.

No punishment, rectification, release of political prisoners or any other remedy is suggested, such things being a "state matter" according to the judicial wisdom. However, with this ruling a door is opened: URO may now be sued or prosecuted, although it is highly unlikely - since he controls the Oaxaca legislature.

Furthermore, the Court went out of its way to exonerate then-president Vicente Fox of any and all wrongdoing, even though it was he that sent in the federal police to end the rebellion in the last months of 2006.

What he did on his sabbatical:

In 2006, weary of battling in the trenches of New York's arts mill, seeking a place of tranquility in which to experience another culture and way of life, Peter Kuper packed up himself and his family and moved to Oaxaca. Talk about timing!

The cartoonist known best for his drawings of "Spy vs. Spy" in Mad Magazine, found himself smack dab in the middle of a sometimes bloody, always interesting and energizing rebellion, complete with barricaded streets, roaming death squads, and, eventually, occupation by the army and the militarized national police.

The rebellion also produced a flowering of literature and art, including a new space to display the works of new graffitists and photographers (as well as more well-known folks like Antonio Turok), La Curtiduria.

I first saw Peter's work (outside of Mad) at La Curtiduria. It was a show of work by him and other members of his U.S. artists co-op. I've followed his work ever since, so it's a pleasure to announce that he has a new book out about his experiences during his (two year) stay. "Oaxaca Diary" is now available. Buy it. You won't be disappointed.

Notes:

* Mexico may have the world's largest stash of Lithium, one of the world's most sought after materials, the stuff with which the latest generation of electric storage batteries are made. Along with a major potassium deposit, it resides in Zacatecas. Previous to the discovery, Bolivia held the honor.

Geopolitically, this is hugely important to the "green revolution" in the U.S., which will be putting on a huge amount of pressure for favorable if not exclusive rights.

* There are almost 16,000 "ambulantes" currently ensconced in their metal booths in front of storefronts along the main business streets south of the Zocalo according to a recent pronouncement by the city authority in charge of (and failing to) regulate them.

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